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A New Dawn for Côte d’Ivoire? The Rise of a Third Way Ahead of the 2025 Presidential Election

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As traditional opposition leaders face electoral exclusion, two independent candidates launch an unlikely alliance that could reshape the political landscape or split the anti-government vote

AFRORADAR, June 26, 2025

ABIDJAN — Something’s shifting in Côte d’Ivoire’s political landscape, and you can feel it in the air as the country gears up for its crucial presidential election this October. The usual players are still there, President Alassane Ouattara’s ruling RHDP party maintaining its grip on power while facing off against a fractured but persistent opposition. Yet what’s really catching people’s attention isn’t the familiar political theater we’ve seen for decades, but rather the emergence of something entirely different: a grassroots alliance that’s betting everything on the idea that Ivorians are ready for a completely new approach to politics.

The Alliance for Justice, Nation, and Change, known locally as AJUNA, launched just today with two relatively unknown figures at its helm. But don’t let their outsider status fool you. Antoine Assalé Tiémoko and Vincent Toh Bi Irié represent something that’s been brewing beneath the surface of Ivorian politics for years: a deep frustration with the old ways of doing things, and a genuine hunger for change that goes beyond simply swapping one set of politicians for another.

The Same Old Political Dance

Let’s be honest about where Côte d’Ivoire finds itself politically. For those who’ve been following the country’s journey since independence, the current situation probably feels depressingly familiar. You’ve got Ouattara’s RHDP, which has held power since 2010, facing off against traditional opposition parties like the PDCI-RDA (now led by former Credit Suisse CEO Tidjane Thiam) and Laurent Gbagbo’s PPA-CI. It’s essentially the same political families that have been trading power and accusations for decades.

The problem is that this familiar dance has become increasingly toxic. The scars from the 2010-2011 post-election crisis, which killed over 3,000 people when Gbagbo refused to accept defeat, still run deep. And now, heading into the 2025 election, the Independent Electoral Commission has essentially eliminated the main opposition contenders from the race. Thiam got disqualified over questions about his nationality, something he’s calling “democratic vandalism.” Gbagbo faces barriers due to his conviction for financial misconduct during the crisis years. Guillaume Soro and Charles Blé Goudé are also out of the running.

What this means is that the opposition, already struggling to present a united front, now finds itself in an even weaker position. The Coalition for Peaceful Alternation in Côte d’Ivoire, which brings together 25 opposition parties, is demanding electoral reforms, but their complaints are falling on deaf ears. Meanwhile, Gbagbo’s PPA-CI has distanced itself from this coalition, highlighting just how fragmented the opposition has become.

The RHDP, not surprisingly, is sitting pretty. They control 139 out of 251 parliamentary seats from the 2021 elections and won 123 out of 201 municipalities in 2023. Whether Ouattara, now 83, decides to run for a fourth term or not, his party has built a formidable political machine that won’t be easy to challenge through conventional means.

Enter the Outsiders

This brings us to today’s big announcement at the Sofitel Abidjan Hôtel Ivoire, where Assalé and Toh Bi unveiled their unlikely partnership. These aren’t household names in Ivorian politics, which might actually be their biggest advantage.

Assalé, 49, comes from a journalism background and currently serves as deputy-mayor of Tiassalé. His movement, called “Today and Tomorrow Côte d’Ivoire,” has been pushing for institutional reforms and serious anti-corruption measures. He’s got a reputation for speaking his mind, particularly when it comes to mobilizing young people to demand transparency in elections.

Toh Bi, 55, brings a different kind of credibility to the partnership. As a former prefect of Abidjan and head of the Aube Nouvelle NGO, he’s been a consistent critic of what many see as Côte d’Ivoire’s rigged electoral system. He’s particularly vocal about the sponsorship requirements that make it nearly impossible for independents to get on the ballot, and the hefty 50 million FCFA candidate deposit (roughly $76,000) that effectively prices out anyone without major backing.

What makes their alliance interesting is that they’re not trying to play the traditional political game. They’re positioning themselves as representatives of a “new Côte d’Ivoire” built around justice, unity, and inclusive governance. These might sound like typical campaign buzzwords, but coming from candidates who don’t have ties to the political establishment, they carry a different weight.

Their platform tackles the issues that actually keep ordinary Ivorians up at night: unemployment (which the government admits is around 25%), rising prices that are squeezing household budgets, and a reconciliation process that many feel has been more about appearances than genuine healing. For a country where a significant portion of the population is under 35, this message of breaking with the past could resonate powerfully.

The Challenge of Breaking Through

Of course, wanting to change the system and actually being able to do it are two very different things. The AJUNA faces some serious practical challenges that could derail their ambitions before they even get started.

The sponsorship system that Toh Bi criticizes so vocally requires candidates to get endorsements from all 17 regions of the country. For independent candidates without established party networks, this is like trying to climb Mount Everest without oxygen. In 2020, only four out of 44 candidate applications made it through the Constitutional Council’s validation process, mostly because people couldn’t meet the sponsorship requirements.

Then there’s the money issue. Assalé’s movement is trying to crowdfund their way to meeting the candidate deposit, which is an interesting experiment in grassroots democracy but also highlights how the system is stacked against outsiders. Even if they raise the money, they still need to build the kind of nationwide organization that can compete with parties that have been building their networks for decades.

Some opposition supporters are already worried that the AJUNA could end up splitting the anti-RHDP vote, potentially making it easier for Ouattara’s party to win. Given how fragmented the opposition already is, with the PPA-CI refusing to join the broader coalition, there’s a real concern that adding more candidates to the mix could backfire spectacularly.

The Appeal of Something Different

But here’s the thing that makes the AJUNA potentially significant: they’re offering something that neither the ruling party nor the traditional opposition can provide, a clean slate. Côte d’Ivoire’s political history is littered with the kind of ethnic and regional divisions that have torn the country apart multiple times. The 2010-2011 crisis wasn’t just about electoral disputes; it was the culmination of decades of identity-based politics that pitted different groups against each other.

The AJUNA’s commitment to operating above these traditional divides could be exactly what many Ivorians are looking for. Early reactions on social media suggest there’s at least some appetite for this approach. People are talking about it as a “pact of conviction” and praising its focus on bringing a “new generation” of leadership to the forefront.

The question is whether this kind of post-ideological politics can actually work in a country where patronage networks and party loyalty have historically determined electoral outcomes. The RHDP’s control over state resources gives them enormous advantages in terms of campaign funding and media access. The opposition’s exclusion from the electoral process has created an atmosphere where many people question whether the election will be free and fair at all.

What This Means for October

The AJUNA’s emergence tells us something important about where Côte d’Ivoire might be heading. Even if Assalé and Toh Bi don’t win, and let’s be realistic about their chances against the RHDP’s political machine, their candidacy represents a growing frustration with politics as usual. The fact that two relative unknowns felt confident enough to form an alliance and challenge the established order suggests that there’s real hunger for change beneath the surface of Ivorian society.

Whether they can translate that hunger into actual votes remains to be seen. They’re betting that enough Ivorians are tired of the same old political families and ready to take a chance on something completely different. It’s a risky gamble, but in a political environment where the traditional opposition has been largely sidelined, it might be the only game-changing move available.

The reality is that Côte d’Ivoire has been stuck in a political pattern that hasn’t served its people particularly well. The country has made economic progress under Ouattara’s leadership, but the benefits haven’t been evenly distributed, and the underlying social tensions that led to past conflicts haven’t been fully resolved. The AJUNA is proposing that the solution isn’t just changing which party holds power, but fundamentally changing how politics works in the country.

As October approaches, Ivorians will have to decide whether they’re ready for that kind of experiment. The AJUNA’s success or failure won’t just determine whether two independent candidates can compete with the established parties, it will signal whether the country is ready to move beyond the political patterns that have defined it for decades.

For now, Assalé and Toh Bi are making their case to a country that’s watching and waiting to see what comes next. Whether they represent the beginning of a new chapter in Ivorian politics or just another footnote in its complex history will become clear soon enough.


What’s your take on the AJUNA’s chances of shaking up Côte d’Ivoire’s political landscape? Share your thoughts and join the conversation about the 2025 election.

AFRO RADAR is a U.S.-based platform covering African politics, culture, and innovation. Follow us for in-depth analysis of the 2025 Ivorian election and beyond.

AFRICA

Cameroon’s Election: Biya’s Eighth Term Fuels Protests and Widens Divide

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YAOUNDÉ, CAMEROON — At 92, President Paul Biya has won Cameroon’s latest presidential election, extending his 43-year grip on power. Representing the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM), Biya secured 53.66% of the vote, according to the Constitutional Council, while his main rival, Issa Tchiroma Bakary—a former ally now turned critic—trailed with 35.19%.

Protests Erupt Amid Claims of Fraud

The announcement has sparked outrage instead of celebration. Opposition leaders and activists have dismissed the results, accusing the government of rigging the vote. Tchiroma Bakary, who declared himself the winner before the official tally, called the election a “sham” and rallied his supporters to protest.

In cities like Douala, anger has spilled into the streets. Clashes between protesters and security forces have led to injuries and arrests, with young Cameroonians, fed up with decades under the same ruler, chanting for change and demanding their voices be heard.

A Nation Divided

Biya’s latest victory means more of the same for Cameroon—a government that promises stability but struggles with corruption, sluggish economic growth despite rich resources, and a lingering conflict in the Anglophone regions. With over 70% of Cameroonians under 35, many feel disconnected from a leadership that seems out of touch. Young people are increasingly vocal, pushing for a new generation to take the helm.

The world is watching. While some foreign leaders may send congratulations, Cameroon’s handling of the election and the unrest that follows will shape its ties with global partners and donors.

For Cameroon’s youth, another seven years of Biya feels like a rerun of a story they’re tired of living. The big question now is whether the government can find a way to connect with a generation demanding a say in their country’s future.

Afroradar.com will keep tracking the situation, bringing you updates and insights on Cameroon’s shifting political scene.

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Ghana in Mourning After Deadly Helicopter Crash Wipes Out Top Officials

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Ghana is still struggling to come to terms with a tragic military helicopter crash which killed eight people, including two government ministers and other top officials, on the morning of August 6, 2025.

The downed Ghanaian Air Force helicopter belonged to the Z-9 model and took off again from Accra en route to Obuasi at 09:12am but crashed after departure. They immediately began search efforts when the aircraft did not respond to radio contact. The helicopter was later reported to have crashed into a tree in the Adansi Akrofuom District of Ashanti Region, where it caught fire and burnt beyond recognition.

The crash killed Defense Minister Edward Omane Boamah, Environment, Science and Technology Minister Ibrahim Murtala Mohammed, Acting Deputy National Security Coordinator Muniru Mohammed, National Democratic Congress Vice Chairman Samuel Sarpong and former Parliamentary Candidate Samuel Aboagye as well as Squadron Leader Peter Bafemi Anala, Flying Officer Twum Ampadu and Sergeant Ernest Addo Mensah who were members of the crew.

National tragedy, Chief of Staff Julius Debrah declared during a press conference in the capital As the country mourns, flags are being flown at half mast on all government buildings as ordered by the government.

Rescue crews were on scene by 4 a.m., but by then the fire was so intense that little remained of the wreckage. It is not yet clear what prompted the crash — they are examining whether it could have been a technical fault or adverse weather conditions. The occurrence harks back to a military helicopter that crash-landed inside the Western Region in March 2024, but no one was injured in that accident.

The crash happened as Dr. Frank Amoakohene, the Minister for the Ashanti Region, was addressing an anti-galamsey event in Obuasi He rushed away to assist in coordinating the emergency response at the scene.

The government has vowed to provide support for the families of victims amid a wide probe to determine what led to the tragedy. At the moment, Ghana now awaits details of what might have caused such a tragic loss of lives. ​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

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Fuel Price Protests Turn Violent in Angola’s Capital

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Angolans Protesting High Fuel Prices in Capital Destroy Property in Marches Demonstrations in the streets of Luanda turned violent, and the police shot live bullets and tear gas.

Luanda, Angola — A peaceful strike by transport workers turned violent on Monday when the protesters took to the streets here to denounce a government measure to increase the price of fuel to 400 kwanzas a liter from about 300 kwanzas. The unrest has left businesses vandalized, residents shaken and questions swirling over the financial future of Angola.
The evening also brought burning tires and shattered storefronts along Broadway from 3rd to 7th. Two athletic sneaker stores and a T-Mobile store fared the worst — their windows smashed and their booty scattered. Video clips that made the rounds on social media showed protesters yanking buses to a halt and forcing them to discharge their passengers, and confronting drivers who were reluctant to join the three-day strike.
“The people are starving, and the government is killing us,” said Adilson Manuel, who is the spokesman for the social movement against the fuel hike. His comments echoed the frustration of many Angolans, who see the price jump as the latest blow to households already struggling with unemployment and an uptick in prices.
July 4, Angola’s government lifted fuel subsidies as part of an ongoing plan to reduce spending to comply with International Monetary Fund conditions under an economy support loan program to the heavily indebted African nation. It’s a paradox not lost on demonstrators: Despite its status as one of the world’s top oil-producing countries, Angola has to import most of its refined fuel because it lacks sufficient domestic refining capacity.
The figures and statistics paint a harsh picture for everyday Angolans. They increased taxi fares to 300 kwanzas a ride and a public bus ride in the city now costs 200 kwanzas. “It’s intolerable that the government is always trying to make our lives more difficult,” said one street vendor, Custodia dos Santos.

The police response was swift and brutal. The riot police and gendarmes used tear gas, batons and rubber bullets to push back protesters in a demonstration on 12 July, in which nine people were injured and 17 others arrested. One protester remains in custody, charged with the incitement of violence. Police claimed the protesters were going beyond agreed-upon routes — a charge organizers vehemently deny.
The crackdown reflects broader tensions within Angola, where the ruling MPLA party has held power for five decades. The signing into law of a contentious piece of legislation by President João Lourenço in August 2024 that imposes prison sentences of up to 25 years for damage caused during protests, has come in for heavy criticism from human rights groups accusing it of being designed to suffocate opposition.
The police violence against protesters in Angola is stomach-churning,” said Khanyo Farisè of Amnesty International, which found a pattern across 11 protests from 2020 to 2025 that left a minimum of 17 dead, with no officer held responsible.
The government has accused the opposition of fomenting the protests ahead of the election that will see multimillionaires in 2027, particularly UNITA. UNITA shot back, condemning the “autocratic attitude” of the police and heavy-handedness.
Defying even as the strike drags on.” Activist Laura Macedo has called for a stay-at-home strike, and organisers are working on a petition to the president, João Lourenço, and finance minister, Vera Daves, demanding Abreu’s decision is reversed.
The unrest has exposed a growing chasm between the rulers of Angola and a public that increasingly feels sidelined by policies prioritizing fiscal rectitude over social justice. We are facing hunger, the whole country is facing hunger, but our president is paying no attention at all.
With violence escalating and negotiations stalled, Angola hangs on the precipice of something. Here is the question now: Will leadership hear the voices of the streets, or will it seek to double down on a course that can only deepen the estrangement of the people from the people who govern them?

  • Track the rest of this unfolding story (if that’s what it is) on Afroradar. com. *

Afroradar. com condemns violence of any kind, and not withstanding the newsworthiness of the circumstances surrounding the public protests, does not condone the use of vandalism and property destruction. We call for peaceful dialogue and an end to violence through credible, inclusive leadership, and we continue to demand accountability consistent with the will of the Malian people.

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