A Bold Afrofuturist Prophecy from the Pages of The United States of Africa

In a groundbreaking move that blends history, imagination, and hope, Ugandan-American journalist Milton Allimadi has launched a Kickstarter campaign for his latest work, The United States of Africa, a futuristic novel set in the year 2525. Unveiled on June 30, 2025, this Afrofuturist tale predicts a united Africa emerging as the world’s most powerful nation, its economy and military unrivaled. For readers of afroradar.com, this book offers a provocative glimpse into a future where the continent overcomes its colonial past, a vision rooted in resilience and melanated strength.

Allimadi, a PhD historian and founder of Black Star News, crafts a world transformed by environmental collapse, where melanin-rich populations thrive. The story hinges on a fictional uprising in Burkina Faso, sparked by a U.S. threat to President Ibrahim Traore, uniting Africa into the United States of Africa by 2525. This new entity reverses centuries of exploitation—from Belgium’s 1960 coup against Patrice Lumumba to NATO’s 2011 Libya intervention—depicting a humbled American president begging Africa for aid and European youths facing reversed oppression.

Sample chapters on Kickstarter reveal Allimadi’s blend of science and philosophy, challenging racism’s absurdity. “Without melanin, no human beings would exist,” he writes, echoing themes from Manufacturing Hate. Illustrated by Obedirwoth, who collaborated on Allimadi’s 2023 ADWA Kickstarter, the book promises stunning visuals to match its bold narrative. While fictional, Allimadi sees echoes of Pan-Africanism, though some question whether a single state can heal such deep divisions.

For afroradar.com’s audience, The United States of Africa is a call to reimagine Africa’s destiny. As the campaign gains momentum, it’s a chance to back a story that defies Western distortions. Will this 2525 vision inspire unity, or spark debate? Only time—and Allimadi’s pages—will tell.

As traditional opposition leaders face electoral exclusion, two independent candidates launch an unlikely alliance that could reshape the political landscape or split the anti-government vote

AFRORADAR, June 26, 2025

ABIDJAN — Something’s shifting in Côte d’Ivoire’s political landscape, and you can feel it in the air as the country gears up for its crucial presidential election this October. The usual players are still there, President Alassane Ouattara’s ruling RHDP party maintaining its grip on power while facing off against a fractured but persistent opposition. Yet what’s really catching people’s attention isn’t the familiar political theater we’ve seen for decades, but rather the emergence of something entirely different: a grassroots alliance that’s betting everything on the idea that Ivorians are ready for a completely new approach to politics.

The Alliance for Justice, Nation, and Change, known locally as AJUNA, launched just today with two relatively unknown figures at its helm. But don’t let their outsider status fool you. Antoine Assalé Tiémoko and Vincent Toh Bi Irié represent something that’s been brewing beneath the surface of Ivorian politics for years: a deep frustration with the old ways of doing things, and a genuine hunger for change that goes beyond simply swapping one set of politicians for another.

The Same Old Political Dance

Let’s be honest about where Côte d’Ivoire finds itself politically. For those who’ve been following the country’s journey since independence, the current situation probably feels depressingly familiar. You’ve got Ouattara’s RHDP, which has held power since 2010, facing off against traditional opposition parties like the PDCI-RDA (now led by former Credit Suisse CEO Tidjane Thiam) and Laurent Gbagbo’s PPA-CI. It’s essentially the same political families that have been trading power and accusations for decades.

The problem is that this familiar dance has become increasingly toxic. The scars from the 2010-2011 post-election crisis, which killed over 3,000 people when Gbagbo refused to accept defeat, still run deep. And now, heading into the 2025 election, the Independent Electoral Commission has essentially eliminated the main opposition contenders from the race. Thiam got disqualified over questions about his nationality, something he’s calling “democratic vandalism.” Gbagbo faces barriers due to his conviction for financial misconduct during the crisis years. Guillaume Soro and Charles Blé Goudé are also out of the running.

What this means is that the opposition, already struggling to present a united front, now finds itself in an even weaker position. The Coalition for Peaceful Alternation in Côte d’Ivoire, which brings together 25 opposition parties, is demanding electoral reforms, but their complaints are falling on deaf ears. Meanwhile, Gbagbo’s PPA-CI has distanced itself from this coalition, highlighting just how fragmented the opposition has become.

The RHDP, not surprisingly, is sitting pretty. They control 139 out of 251 parliamentary seats from the 2021 elections and won 123 out of 201 municipalities in 2023. Whether Ouattara, now 83, decides to run for a fourth term or not, his party has built a formidable political machine that won’t be easy to challenge through conventional means.

Enter the Outsiders

This brings us to today’s big announcement at the Sofitel Abidjan Hôtel Ivoire, where Assalé and Toh Bi unveiled their unlikely partnership. These aren’t household names in Ivorian politics, which might actually be their biggest advantage.

Assalé, 49, comes from a journalism background and currently serves as deputy-mayor of Tiassalé. His movement, called “Today and Tomorrow Côte d’Ivoire,” has been pushing for institutional reforms and serious anti-corruption measures. He’s got a reputation for speaking his mind, particularly when it comes to mobilizing young people to demand transparency in elections.

Toh Bi, 55, brings a different kind of credibility to the partnership. As a former prefect of Abidjan and head of the Aube Nouvelle NGO, he’s been a consistent critic of what many see as Côte d’Ivoire’s rigged electoral system. He’s particularly vocal about the sponsorship requirements that make it nearly impossible for independents to get on the ballot, and the hefty 50 million FCFA candidate deposit (roughly $76,000) that effectively prices out anyone without major backing.

What makes their alliance interesting is that they’re not trying to play the traditional political game. They’re positioning themselves as representatives of a “new Côte d’Ivoire” built around justice, unity, and inclusive governance. These might sound like typical campaign buzzwords, but coming from candidates who don’t have ties to the political establishment, they carry a different weight.

Their platform tackles the issues that actually keep ordinary Ivorians up at night: unemployment (which the government admits is around 25%), rising prices that are squeezing household budgets, and a reconciliation process that many feel has been more about appearances than genuine healing. For a country where a significant portion of the population is under 35, this message of breaking with the past could resonate powerfully.

The Challenge of Breaking Through

Of course, wanting to change the system and actually being able to do it are two very different things. The AJUNA faces some serious practical challenges that could derail their ambitions before they even get started.

The sponsorship system that Toh Bi criticizes so vocally requires candidates to get endorsements from all 17 regions of the country. For independent candidates without established party networks, this is like trying to climb Mount Everest without oxygen. In 2020, only four out of 44 candidate applications made it through the Constitutional Council’s validation process, mostly because people couldn’t meet the sponsorship requirements.

Then there’s the money issue. Assalé’s movement is trying to crowdfund their way to meeting the candidate deposit, which is an interesting experiment in grassroots democracy but also highlights how the system is stacked against outsiders. Even if they raise the money, they still need to build the kind of nationwide organization that can compete with parties that have been building their networks for decades.

Some opposition supporters are already worried that the AJUNA could end up splitting the anti-RHDP vote, potentially making it easier for Ouattara’s party to win. Given how fragmented the opposition already is, with the PPA-CI refusing to join the broader coalition, there’s a real concern that adding more candidates to the mix could backfire spectacularly.

The Appeal of Something Different

But here’s the thing that makes the AJUNA potentially significant: they’re offering something that neither the ruling party nor the traditional opposition can provide, a clean slate. Côte d’Ivoire’s political history is littered with the kind of ethnic and regional divisions that have torn the country apart multiple times. The 2010-2011 crisis wasn’t just about electoral disputes; it was the culmination of decades of identity-based politics that pitted different groups against each other.

The AJUNA’s commitment to operating above these traditional divides could be exactly what many Ivorians are looking for. Early reactions on social media suggest there’s at least some appetite for this approach. People are talking about it as a “pact of conviction” and praising its focus on bringing a “new generation” of leadership to the forefront.

The question is whether this kind of post-ideological politics can actually work in a country where patronage networks and party loyalty have historically determined electoral outcomes. The RHDP’s control over state resources gives them enormous advantages in terms of campaign funding and media access. The opposition’s exclusion from the electoral process has created an atmosphere where many people question whether the election will be free and fair at all.

What This Means for October

The AJUNA’s emergence tells us something important about where Côte d’Ivoire might be heading. Even if Assalé and Toh Bi don’t win, and let’s be realistic about their chances against the RHDP’s political machine, their candidacy represents a growing frustration with politics as usual. The fact that two relative unknowns felt confident enough to form an alliance and challenge the established order suggests that there’s real hunger for change beneath the surface of Ivorian society.

Whether they can translate that hunger into actual votes remains to be seen. They’re betting that enough Ivorians are tired of the same old political families and ready to take a chance on something completely different. It’s a risky gamble, but in a political environment where the traditional opposition has been largely sidelined, it might be the only game-changing move available.

The reality is that Côte d’Ivoire has been stuck in a political pattern that hasn’t served its people particularly well. The country has made economic progress under Ouattara’s leadership, but the benefits haven’t been evenly distributed, and the underlying social tensions that led to past conflicts haven’t been fully resolved. The AJUNA is proposing that the solution isn’t just changing which party holds power, but fundamentally changing how politics works in the country.

As October approaches, Ivorians will have to decide whether they’re ready for that kind of experiment. The AJUNA’s success or failure won’t just determine whether two independent candidates can compete with the established parties, it will signal whether the country is ready to move beyond the political patterns that have defined it for decades.

For now, Assalé and Toh Bi are making their case to a country that’s watching and waiting to see what comes next. Whether they represent the beginning of a new chapter in Ivorian politics or just another footnote in its complex history will become clear soon enough.

What’s your take on the AJUNA’s chances of shaking up Côte d’Ivoire’s political landscape? Share your thoughts and join the conversation about the 2025 election.

AFRO RADAR is a U.S.-based platform covering African politics, culture, and innovation. Follow us for in-depth analysis of the 2025 Ivorian election and beyond.

By Afroradar.com | June 10, 2025

In a significant escalation of U.S. immigration policy, the Trump administration is considering expanding its travel ban to include 25 African nations, among them key economic and political partners such as Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Senegal, and Cameroon. This move, outlined in a recent State Department memo, has sparked widespread concern across the continent, with the African Union and local stakeholders decrying the policy as discriminatory and potentially damaging to diplomatic, economic, and cultural ties.

The Scope of the Proposed Travel Ban

According to reports from sources like The Washington Post and Business Insider Africa, the expanded travel ban targets a total of 36 countries, with 25 from Africa. The African nations listed include Angola, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast), Democratic Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Liberia, Malawi, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, South Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.

The policy, which builds on travel restrictions from President Trump’s first term, cites national security concerns, terrorism risks, and high visa overstay rates as justifications. The memo reportedly sets a 60-day deadline for these nations to meet stringent U.S. requirements—such as sharing criminal records and accepting deportees—or face partial or full entry bans.

Impact on Affected African Nations

The inclusion of countries like Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, and Ghana, a stable democracy with strong U.S. ties, has raised eyebrows. These nations, along with Ethiopia, Ivory Coast, Senegal, and Cameroon, are vital players in regional trade, innovation, and diplomacy. The proposed restrictions could disrupt academic exchanges, business travel, and family reunifications, with far-reaching consequences for both African and American stakeholders.

• Nigeria and Ghana: As West African economic powerhouses, these countries have significant diaspora communities in the U.S. Bright Simons, a policy analyst at IMANI Ghana, noted that the ban unfairly punishes entire nations for the actions of a minority, with thousands of Ghanaians and Nigerians potentially affected despite their contributions to the U.S.
• Ethiopia: Already grappling with internal challenges, Ethiopia’s inclusion is linked to issues like refusing U.S. deportees and high visa overstay rates. This could strain U.S.-Ethiopia relations, especially given Ethiopia’s strategic role in the Horn of Africa.
• Ivory Coast and Senegal: Both nations are key players in West Africa’s economic growth and host major events like the Port Connect Africa Conference (July 7-9, 2025, Abidjan) and the Clinique des Entrepreneurs Africains (August 2025, Lomé, with Senegalese participation). Travel restrictions could hinder their ability to attract global investment and talent.
• Cameroon: Facing security concerns near its borders, Cameroon’s inclusion may exacerbate challenges for professionals and students seeking opportunities abroad.

Reactions and Criticisms

The African Union has called for constructive dialogue, warning that the ban could harm educational exchanges, commercial engagement, and diplomatic relations. Critics, including Amnesty International, have labeled the policy “discriminatory, racist, and downright cruel,” pointing to its disproportionate targeting of African and Muslim-majority nations.

Local voices echo this sentiment. Isaac Antwi, a Ghanaian scientist who studied in the U.S., expressed frustration, stating, “Regardless of my contribution to the USA, I may be prevented from re-entry.” Posts on X reflect similar anger, with users describing the ban as a “big slap in the face” to Africans.

Chad has taken a bold step by announcing it will suspend visas for U.S. citizens in retaliation, signaling potential diplomatic fallout. Other nations may follow suit, potentially aligning closer to U.S. adversaries if tensions escalate.

Broader Implications for Africa

The travel ban comes at a critical time for Africa’s growth trajectory. Events like the Forum sur la Protection des Données à Caractère Personnel (June 19, 2025, Abidjan) highlight the continent’s push toward digital innovation and data security. Restrictions on travel could limit African professionals’ ability to engage in global forums, stifling collaboration and innovation.

Moreover, the ban could impact Africa’s tourism and trade sectors, which are already navigating challenges. For instance, Nigeria and Ghana are key players in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), and restricted mobility could hinder their global competitiveness.

What’s Next?

The proposed ban is not yet finalized, and the 60-day window offers a chance for dialogue. African nations could strengthen compliance with U.S. requirements, but as Bright Simons notes, navigating the “hyper-transactional” Trump administration will require strategic diplomacy.

For now, Africans affected by the ban—particularly those in Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Senegal, and Cameroon—are left in limbo, facing uncertainty about their future in the U.S. The African Union and local advocates continue to push for a fairer approach, emphasizing the need for mutual respect and collaboration.